On President's Day, the man who should have become Russia's president, Alexei Navalny, whose death in a harsh Siberian prison was reported this week, continued to be front and center in the media. Will Navalny's death be the catalyst for change in Russia? Russia-watchers note that the assassination of another leading Putin opponent, Boris Nemstov, gunned down in 2015, failed to produce the groundswell of opposition needed to unseat Putin and institute the democracy envisioned by these promising young leaders.
Nemstov and Navalny, 2012
But 2015 was another era, at least when it comes to media, and as media goes, so does politics. When social media became an increasingly powerful political tool, Navalny and his team used every channel, from YouTube to TikTok, making the world aware of conditions in Russia. In the powerful documentary, Navalny, available on HBO/Max one journalist talks about the difficulty covering a politician who considers himself half a journalist. Navalny and his team earned that appellation, uncovering the perpetrators of his 2020 poisoning by Novichok, the poison of choice for Putin and his enforcers.
Yulia Navalnaya, Alexei Navalny's wife, whose intellect matched or possibly overmatched his - the rest of the family avoided playing chess with her because she invariably won - has signaled that she will take up the cause of freedom for Russia and its people.
Putin wasted no time threatening the 47-year-old Navalnaya, as reported in The Washington Post. Claiming without any evidence that Navalny had been an agent of British intelligence and the CIA, a refrain of Putin's when attempting to discredit his critics, Sergei Markov, a pro-Putin blogger, warned that Yulia Navalnaya could share his fate.
“She should be more careful,” Markov wrote on Telegram. “The U.S. and British intelligence services are now very cruel. Our advice to her is to escape somewhere quiet.”
Read Julia Ioffe's 2021 profile of Yulia Navalnaya: "These Bastards Will Never See Our Tears"
The question of how to act is the central question of humanity.
- Alexei Navalny
The prosecution has requested a sentence for Alexei Navalny in his latest criminal case: 20 years in the Russian version of the supermax prison, usually reserved for murderers with life sentences. The politician is accused under six articles of the Russian Criminal Code: establishing “an extremist community” (the Anti-Corruption Foundation) that was “infringing citizens’ rights” (calling for 2021 rallies), “inciting” and “financing” extremism (the ACF), “involving minors in dangerous acts”(rallies), and even “rehabilitating Nazism” (anti-Putin statements by his chief of staff). The court sessions are being held in the penal colony, with journalists not allowed to attend. Here’s Navalny’s final statement.
Everyone in Russia knows that he who seeks justice in court is completely defenseless. Such a person should abandon all hope. After all, if their case has reached the courts, then there is no power behind that person. Because in a country ruled by a criminal, disputes are resolved by bargaining, authority, bribery, deceit, betrayal, and other real-life mechanisms, not by some kind of law.
This was brilliantly illustrated the other day when those who were declared turncoats and traitors to the Motherland killed several officers of the Russian army right before the astonished eyes of the whole Russia in the morning, and by lunchtime they agreed on something with someone and went home, dividing suitcases full of money amongst themselves. No, not metal briefcases, but actual suitcases. They were even shown on Russian television.
Law and justice were once again reminded of their place in Russia. And this place is not honorable at all. You certainly won’t find them in court. On the whole, the courts have long been transformed into a place where citizens can merely speak their last words without (this phrase is repeated hundreds of times in my indictment) “obtaining the consent of the state authorities” However, for the especially cunning ones who abuse the opportunities for court debate and the last word, they first invented a closed trial, and then a closed trial on the prison grounds.
Nevertheless, I must take every opportunity to speak out, and speaking now before an audience of eighteen people, seven of whom put black masks on their heads to cover their faces, I wish not only to explain why I continue to fight the unscrupulous evil that calls itself “the state authorities of the Russian Federation,” but also to urge you to do so along with me. I mean, why not? Maybe you put on these masks because you are afraid of something human, something you have inside you that might reflect on your face if it’s not covered by a balaclava?
For example, the prison guard standing behind me right now should know by virtue of his position what kind of trials I have ahead of me. So I tell him about another criminal case against me and the upcoming trial, about the new term that I am facing. Every time he nods his head, closes his eyes, and says, “I don’t understand you, and I never will.” I have to at least try to explain it to him. The question of how to act is the central question of humanity. After all, everything around us is so complicated and incomprehensible. People have searched high and low for the formula of doing the right thing, for something to base the right decisions on.
I really like the wording of our compatriot, Doctor of Philological Sciences, Professor Yuri Lotman. Speaking to students, he once said: “A man always finds himself in an unforeseeable situation. And then he has two legs to rest on: conscience and intellect.” This is a very wise thought, as it seems to me. Any person should rest on both of these legs.
To rely only on one’s conscience is intuitively correct. But an abstract morality that does not take into account human nature and the real world will degenerate into either stupidity or atrocity, as it has happened more than once before.
But the reliance on the intellect without conscience is precisely what now lies at the core of the Russian state. Initially, this idea seemed logical to the elites. Using oil, gas and other resources, we will build an unscrupulous, but cunning, modern, rational, ruthless state. We will become richer than the tsars of the past. We have so much oil that even the common folk will get something from it. By exploiting this world of contradictions and the vulnerability of democracy, we will become leaders, and everyone will respect us. And if not respect, then at least fear.
And yet the same thing happens as everywhere else. The intellect, unconstrained by conscience, whispers: snatch, steal. If you are stronger, your interests are always more important than the rights of others.
Unwilling to rest on the foot of conscience, my Russia took a few big leaps, pushing everyone around, but then slipped and collapsed with a crash, destroying everything around it. And now it is floundering in a pool of mud and blood, with broken bones and the poor, robbed population, surrounded by the tens of thousands of victims of the most stupid and senseless war of the XXI century. Of course, sooner or later, it will rise again. And it is up to us to determine what it will rest on in the future.
In my opinion, I am acting in a consistent manner, without any drama.
I love Russia. My intellect tells me that living in a free and prosperous country is better than living in a corrupt and destitute one. And as I stand here looking at this court, my conscience tells me that there will be no justice in such a court for me or anyone else. A country without fair courts will never be prosperous. So my intellect raises its voice again and says it would be wise and right for me to fight for an independent court, for fair elections, and against corruption, because then I would reach my goal and be able to live in my free, prosperous Russia.
You have one, God-given life, and this is what you choose to spend it on? Putting robes on your shoulders and black masks on your heads to protect those who rob you? To help someone who already has ten palaces to build an eleventh?
It may seem to you now that I am crazy, but you are all normal — after all, one cannot swim against the current. But in my opinion, it’s you who are crazy. You have one, God-given life, and this is what you choose to spend it on? Putting robes on your shoulders and black masks on your heads to protect those who rob you? To help someone who already has ten palaces to build an eleventh?
In order for a new person to come into the world, two people must agree in advance that they will make some sacrifices. This new person will have to be born in agony, and then they will have to spend sleepless nights with him. Then they will have to get a dog for that new person. Then walk that dog. Likewise, in order for a new, free, rich country to be born, it has to have parents. Those who want it. Those who expect it and are willing to make some sacrifices for its birth, knowing that it will be worth it. This doesn’t mean that everyone has to go to prison. It’s more of a lottery, and that ticket was drawn by me. But everyone has to make some kind of sacrifice, take some kind of effort.
I am accused of inciting hatred against representatives of the government and security services, judges, and members of the United Russia party. But no, I am not inciting hatred. I merely remember that every person has two legs: conscience and intellect. And when you’re tired of slipping under this regime, splitting your forehead and your future, when you finally realize that the rejection of conscience will eventually lead to the disappearance of the intellect, then maybe you will stand on both of the legs on which every man should stand, and we will be able to bring the Beautiful Russia of the Future closer together.
See That My Grave Is Kept Clean ::: Lou Reed
Death Don’t Have No Mercy In This Land ::: Rev Gary Davis
O Death ::: Ralph Stanley
The Angel of Death ::: John Scofield
Death Is Not The End ::: Bob Dylan